35  Antonius in Riant, Exuviae 223:  . . . monstrantur in aedibus aureis Caesaris: Crux veneranda, Corona [spinea], Spongia, Clavi, iterum Sanguis, Chlamys purpurea, Lancea, . . . linteum faciem Christi repraesentans . . .; quae omnia in sola ecclesia parva B. Dei Genitricis reperiuntur.

36  August Heisenberg, ed., Nikolaos Mesarites, die Palastrevolution des Johannes Komnenos (Würzburg: Koenigl. Universitätsdruckerei von H. Stürtz 1907) 30: ’Εvτάφιoι σιvδόvες Χριστoῦ: αὒται  δ' εἰσὶv ἀπο λίvoυ ὕλης εὐώvoυ κατὰ τὸ πρόχειρov, ἒτι πvεύσαι  μύρα, ὑπερτερoῦσαι φθoρᾶς, ὃτι τὸv ἀπερίληπτov vεκρὸv γυμvὸv ἐσμυρvημέvov μετὰ τὸ  πάθoς συvέστειλαv. . . .31: τÎv voμoδότηv  αÛτÎv ñς ¦v πρoτoτύπå τετυπωμέvov è χείρoμάκτρå κα τ± ε×θρύπτå ¦γκεκoλαμμέvov κεράμå ñς ¦κ �χειρoπoιήτå τέχv® τιv γραφικ±. Shortly after this, (p. 32) Mesarites again refers to τὸ σoυδάριov σὺv ταῖς ἐvταφίoις σίvδoσιv . . . ἐv τoύτῳ  περ καὶ ἀvίσταται, καὶ τὸ σoυδάριov σὺv ταῖς ἐvταφίoις σίvδόσιv εἰς ἔκδηλov. 

37  Robert de Clary, La conquête de Constantinople, ch. 92, in Charles Hopf, Chroniques greco‑romaines inedites ou peu connues (Paris: 1873. Repr. Brussels: Impression Anastaltique Culture et Civilisation 1966) 71:  Et entre ches autres en eut un autre des mousters que on apeloit medame Sainte Marie de Blakerne, ou li sydoines la ou nostres sires fu envelopes, i estoit, qui cascuns desvenres se drechoit tous drois, si que on i pooit bien veir le figure nostre seigneur, ne seut on onques ne Griu ne Franchois que chis sydoines devint, quant le vile fu prise.  Engl. tr. in E. H. McNeal, tr., Robert de Clari, The Conquest of Constantinople (New York: Columbia Univ.Pr. 1936) 112.  On the interpretation of these texts see Peter F. Dembrowski, "Sindon in the Old French Chronicle of Robert of Clari," Shroud Spectrum International (SSI),  2 (March, l982) 13‑18:  le figure means "entire body," not "face‑only."   See also his La Chronique de Robert de Clari: Étude de la Langue et du Style (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Pr. 1963).

38  Robert of Clari, ch. 83, in Hopf (n. 37) 65 and McNeal (n. 37) 104.  The assumption made here, that the cloth which Clari described in 1203 in the Blacherne Chapel is the same one Mesarites guarded in the Pharos Church in 1201, with his hints of an image, and is thus also identical with the burial linens named in early relic lists back to 958 (Document IV) and possibly to 944, has been called into question.  Werner Bulst, "Christusikone‑Edessabild/ Turiner Grabtuch," Hermeneia I.2/3 (August, 1985) 56f, notes that there are three candidates for true shroud in Constantinople at this time: Clari's sydoines in the Blacherne Chapel, the touaille in the tabula or capsula cited by Clari and Mesarites in the Pharos Church, and the burial shroud mentioned by Mesarites, also in the Pharos Church (nn. 36-37).  He opts for the cloth in the tabula, which Mesarites had called a cheiromaktron with a "prototypal" image.  In this he has the support of A. M. Dubarle, "La Premiere Captivitè de Geoffroy de Charny & l'Acquisition du Linceul," Montre-nous ton Visage 8, 1992, 6-18.  This position ignores the evidence of Documents XIV and XV.  It also discounts Mesarites' reference to the "uncircumscribed naked body" on the burial wrapping.  Finally it would leave us with a Clari credulous enough to believe that an ordinary painted epitaphios cloth or threnos scene was the actual shroud of Jesus.  This must be rejected and was, by Clari himself, so to speak, for he is very clear in calling the sydoines Jesus's burial linen, and equally clear when referring to something painted, as in ch. 83 just after the touaille passage, when he describes an "image of St. Demetrius painted on a panel."  See Hopf (n. 37) 66 and McNeal (n. 37) 105. 

39  Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of he Image before the Era of Art, E. Jephcott, tr. (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Pr., 1994), 213 and n. 11.